Opinion depot
Ethiopia rejects 'biased' EU report on May's elections
Ethiopia needs you Haile Gebrselassie, so does the London 2012 Olympics
Ethiopia: Final Report on the House of People's Representatives and State Council Elections
The 23 May 2010 elections were held in a generally peaceful environment, as unanimously called for by all stakeholders. The relatively quiet election campaign by both the opposition and the incumbent, the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), grew in intensity in the very last stages of the campaign. Although, the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) largely managed the electoral process in an efficient and competent manner, its handling of the consolidation process was less praiseworthy. The electoral authorities failed to dispel the opposition parties' lack of trust in their independence. While several positive improvements were introduced since the 2005 elections, there were negative developments in the practical application of the legal and electoral framework. As a result, the electoral process fell short of international commitments for elections, notably regarding the transparency of the process and the lack of a level playing field for all contesting parties. Insufficient efforts were taken to ensure a more equitable and representative electoral process.
The Ethiopian Constitution and legal framework provided an adequate basis for the conduct of genuine elections in line with international and regional commitments subscribed to by Ethiopia. The Constitution, Electoral Law and other election-related regulations protect political and civil rights and allow for genuine elections, as well as the freedoms of association, assembly, movement and expression. However, the practical implementation of some laws and regulations regarding elections deviated in certain cases from the principles underlying these commitments. The electoral process was therefore constrained, as was the full, non-discriminatory, enjoyment of fundamental rights.
The changes in the legal framework together with the fragmentation of the main opposition forces in the aftermath of the 2005 elections, as well as the imprisonment of leading opposition figures and the departure in exile of one opposition leader, resulted in a cumulative narrowing of the political space within the country. The ruling party's presence throughout the country was unrivalled by opposition parties, especially in rural areas which house up to 80% of the Ethiopian population.
The freedoms of assembly, of expression and of movement were not consistently respected throughout the country during the campaign period, generally to the detriment of opposition parties. All parties favoured door-to-door canvassing, although some rallies were held -mainly by the EPRDF. Campaign activities were generally focused on the last week of the campaign, given most parties' lack of funds.
The NEBE decided to retain exclusive competence in the field of voter education. The EU EOM considers that the voter information provided by the NEBE was generally insufficient and that too often, political parties and local administrations were the main exponents of voter education in rural parts of the country. The exclusion of civil society organisations from voter education, together with the new and more restrictive Ethiopian Charities and Societies Law, limited the potential role of local organisations in the electoral process.
The provisions for complaints related to voting, counting and consolidation were significantly strengthened in the last five years. Nonetheless, the EU EOM considers that further measures must be implemented to ensure that they provide the opportunity for effective legal remedy on election-related complaints, in light of opposition parties' lack of confidence in the independence and neutrality of the judiciary and the police. Additionally, the channels for complaint adjudication should be rationalised to avoid that offences go unpunished.
• Steps should be taken to ensure a clear separation between the ruling party and the state and to avoid the misuse of state resources during the campaign. The NEBE should be provided with sufficient resources to reduce the need to resort to local administrative structures in electoral activities gradually, with a view to create an independent and trustworthy election management body. This would help to prevent the occurrence of abuses of power and use of state resources at the local level. Furthermore, this measure could improve the level of confidence of many opposition parties in the electoral process.
• The voter register should be computerised for future electoral processes to allow for the implementation of essential safeguards to ensure its accuracy, as well as greater transparency by providing copies of the voter register to all political parties. The NEBE could consider the creation of a permanent and national voter register.
• The NEBE should take measures to increase the transparency of the electoral process and improve the perception that some opposition parties have of its impartiality. These measures should include publishing and communicating all electoral information to the contesting parties. The NEBE should also review some Election Day procedures, notably the design of forms and the training provided to polling station staff and constituency electoral officers to improve the consolidation process.
The BBC's apology to the Band Aid Trust was far from adequate
Liste ners were misled that 95% of famine relief aid for Ethiopia was diverted to the militaryYour report of the BBC's apology to Bob Geldof's Band Aid for the misleading impression given by a World Service programme alleging wholesale diversion of famine relief aid to Ethiopia, said: "Sir Brian Barder, the British ambassador to Ethiopia between 1982 and 1986, was positive about the BBC's response." (Sorry, Sir Bob: BBC's apology to Geldof over Band Aid programme, 4 November).
I did indeed welcome the BBC's "far-reaching apology to the Band Aid Trust for the seriously unfair and misleading impression given by the ... programme."
But the second part of my comment, unaccountably omitted from your report, was far from positive:
"But I am sorry that the BBC has not taken the opportunity to put it beyond doubt that contrary to the false impression gained by thousands of people hearing the programme or reporting it elsewhere in the media, the allegations of diversion reported in the programme applied only to a small amount of aid given to a limited area of Tigray then under rebel control, not to the international relief effort in the whole of the rest of Ethiopia. Although it was not the main question in the Band Aid complaint, this would have been a welcome opportunity for the BBC to put the record straight on that important issue too."
Even before the programme went out, I personally asked its producer to correct this damaging impression, but my appeal was ignored.
The BBC's official line acknowledges that the implied slurs on Band Aid were unjustified, but claims that "the ruling [by the BBC itself!] validates the main thrust of the programme's journalism" (initially described by the BBC's director general, Mark Thompson, as "robust and excellent journalism"). The BBC complaints website says: "The programme made clear that the allegations of diversion replied [sic] to aid reaching Tigray, not to the Ethiopian relief effort as a whole, and that much aid had served its intended purpose." So why did hardly anyone who heard it take away that impression? The allegations actually concerned around 3%-4% of total relief aid to Ethiopia and not any in government-controlled areas. But virtually every report in the media of the apparently sensational revelations in the programme, based on the BBC's own publicity and on the programme itself, interpreted it as alleging that up to 95% of all famine relief aid for Ethiopia in the 1980s had been diverted for military use.
That universal misinterpretation not only defamed the dedicated aid workers concerned but was also bound to discourage people from contributing to disaster relief funds in future. It isn't just Band Aid to which the BBC owes an apology, but to the British government, other donors, charities and, above all, ordinary people who gave so generously.
We still await the BBC's apology for even now repeating by implication this slur on all those who worked to save millions of Ethiopians from starvation in one of the most effective and incorrupt international relief operations ever mounted. Meanwhile, my reaction to the BBC's limited and inadequate apology so far is anything but "positive".
Haile Gebre Selassie retires after failing to finish New York Marathon
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The Cuban swing
RSF: African journalists still seeking freedom
East Africa. Eritrea (178th) is at the very bottom of the world ranking for the fourth year running. At least 30 journalists and four media contributors are held incommunicado in the most appalling conditions, without right to a trial and without any information emerging about their situation. Journalists employed by the state media – the only kind of media tolerated – have to choose between obeying the information ministry’s orders or trying to flee the country. The foreign media are not welcome.
In Somalia (161st), the media are not being spared by the civil war between the transitional government and Islamist militias, and journalists often fall victim to the violence. The two leading Islamist militias, Al-Shabaab and Hizb-Al-Islam, are gradually seizing control of independent radio stations and using them to broadcast their religious and political propaganda.
The temporary lifting of prior censorship on the print media in Sudan (172nd) was just a smokescreen. It has fallen 24 places and now has Africa’s second worst ranking, partly as a result of the closure of the opposition daily Rai-al-Shaab and the jailing of five members of its staff, but above all because of the return of state surveillance of the print media, which makes it impossible to cover key stories such as the future referendum on South Sudan’s independence.
Rwanda (169th), where President Paul Kagame was returned to power in a highly questionable election, has fallen 12 places and now has Africa’s third worst ranking. The six-month suspension of leading independent publications, the climate of terror surrounding the presidential election and Umuvugizi deputy editor Jean-Léonard Rugambage’s murder in Kigali were the reasons for this fall. Journalists are fleeing the country because of the repression, in an exodus almost on the scale of Somalia’s. Surveillance of the press and a decline in the climate for journalists during the May elections account for Ethiopia’s continued bad ranking (139th).
Violence against journalists, arbitrary police arrests and intelligence agency abuses explain why Nigeria (145th) and the Democratic Republic of Congo (148th) are still in the bottom third. Uganda (96th) fell a relatively modest 10 places but the murders of two journalists in separate incidents in September and the recent increase in physical attacks and arrests of journalists are fuelling serious concerns about the climate for the media in the run-up to next year’s elections.
Cameroon (129th) fell 20 places as a result of newspaper editor Bibi Ngota’s death in prison and the continuing detention of two other editors. Côte d'Ivoire (118th) also fell a few places due to the harassment of newspapers such as L'Expression and Le Nouveau Courrier d'Abidjan and the temporary ban on local retransmission of French TV station France 24 in February.
Gambia (125th) and Niger (104th) were neck and neck last year at a 137th and 139th thanks to the predatory behaviour of their respective presidents, Yahya Jammeh and Mamadou Tandja. But press freedom in Niger has improved markedly since Tandja’s overthrow in February, accounting for its 35-place jump, although the situation is still very uncertain.
Uncertainty is also the dominant feature of another country in transition, Guinea (113th). It fell 13 places because of a massacre on 28 September 2009 but a new government that could show more respect for press freedom is still seen as a possibility.
After two difficult years, Kenya (70th) has recovered a respectable position.
Chad (112th) is also leaving behind the fraught period in 2008 when a state of emergency was imposed, but the level of freedom allowed the press is still insufficient.
Angola (104th) has an acceptable ranking although the situation has been soured by a Radio Despertar journalist’s still unsolved murder in September 2010.
After sharp falls in 2009, Gabon (107th) and Madagascar (116th) have recovered some of the lost ground thanks to a decline in tension. But Madagascar’s transitional authorities need to show more respect for the press by ceasing to jail journalists (such as those of Radio Fahazavana) and ceasing to close down news media.
Zimbabwe (123rd) has again made some slow progress, as it did last year. The return of independent dailies is a step forward for public access to information but the situation is still very fragile.
Two more African countries have entered the ranks of the world’s top 50 nations in terms of respect for press freedom. They are Tanzania (41st), although certain stories such as albinism continue to be off-limits for the press, and Burkina Faso (49th), even if justice still has not been rendered in the case of Norbert Zongo, a journalist who was murdered 12 years ago. The relative positions of the African countries in the top 50 have also changed. They are now led by Namibia (21st), which has recovered its former pre-eminent position, while Cape Verde (26th) has caught up with Ghana (26th) and Mali (26th). South Africa (38th) has fallen five places, in part because of attacks on journalists during the Football World Cup but above all because of the behaviour of senior members of the ruling African National Congress towards the press. ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema, for example, expelled BBC correspondent Jonah Fisher from a news conference on 8 April, calling him a “bastard” and “bloody agent.” And the government plans to pass two bills that would endanger press freedom, one creating a media tribunal and the other restricting the disclosure of information.
Ethiopian Dam Controversy
So far detailed news and research reports have come from third parties such as the BBC and those closely associated with making studies on the environmental aspects of the Gibe III Dam project. The most recent on YouTube video is titled "Ethiopian Damns Controversy". I hope it is not meant to pass any derogatory message other than a mere spelling error. Be that it may, the Ethiopian side, including the interviewees from the Salini company presented their views in a somewhat unprofessional manner if they meant to defend their planned project. To refer to a few, the Salini Construction Company spokesperson concluded by saying the river basin dwellers will simply die when the project is done, while the other rather more dignitary representative of the government mentioned about the fact that even insects being in harms way when one walks. The prime minster stated the building of the Gibe Dam(s) will protect the lower river basin residents from the life threatening impacts of the perennial flood. I don't know how much of a detailed environmental study was made from the Government's side but understandably, based on the history of donors for such projects, the possible end of such a study is usually the killing of the project. Ethiopia has major internal pressures not to abide by that assessment due to not only the fact that this would delay the construction by a matter of years, but also it may cost the ruling party its handle on power.
The controversy is apparent but in my inadequate knowledge to say the least, the Ethiopian government could have handled this matter in a more diplomatic manner. It has secured the displacement of 10s of thousands of the population before starting the Gibe I and II(according to the study report). The government could have made its own assessment about what it takes to prevent the lower river basin residents who make their livings by making use of the spoils of the seasonal flood. Guaranteeing a way to protect the population, I believe could have paved the way to building the dams without major hurdles. If the planing is based on the feasibility of doing it, this could also be shared with the concerned to produce a common ground. If the government is reading the signs that the study group is geared to stop the over ambitious project due to the hasty attitude of the government in terms of time, there is still room for in depth discussions on how to tackle the issue, unless of course, the study group is politicizing the matter, which I think most probably is the case. Things have changed since the times of Gibe I and II era. The clear cut but controversial stands of the government specially from the stand points of the external viewers has changed the otherwise warm relations between the current government and the west. As such, the regime is inclined to look to the east, specially China. This may have triggered the disagreement over such a grandiose project that is believed to outlive any government in terms of its contribution to the betterment of the poverty stricken population. I give credit to the tireless effort made by the government to make this a reality. I am also impressed with the donor environmental study group by the level of knowledge they demonstrated about the Omo river and its impacts to the population that depends on it. My suggestion to both sides is to understand the urgency that they need to work closely for the ambitious progress to be materialized.
From the Editor's desk.
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