The debates on neo liberalism and revolutionary democracy in Ethiopia

BY Tadesse H.
tadeth@gmail.com

At the height of the 2010 election debates, there is always the big issue that needed to be resolved by the ballot box. It is whether the country is better off with any of the two major political views once known as the leading ideologies that separated the face of the world. The remnants of socialism have developed into a face saving strategy of taking the time to achieve the goals of capitalism by curbing their own theory with a home grown approach. The theme is about adopting a revolutionary form of democracy until the time comes to practice the neo liberal vision of the west. While the ruling party, the EPRDF adheres to the procedural progressive method of developing its own constituents, the opposition parties spearheaded by EDEPA’s Lidetu Ayalew, do not hesitate to openly admire the neo liberal ideals to the extent of crediting even the food stamp system for the unemployed to prove the humanist approach of the neo liberals toward their own poor. It seemed like he knew a lot more about the American dream than most in America; the reason why he, like his peers, thinks neo liberalism can be as good as it gets to any sub Saharan countries.

Comparing Ethiopia to the neighboring countries like Kenya, Sudan, Uganda and even Somalia made it easy for the opposition to prove their points of how giving away what the ruling party thinks a matter of sovereignty, created business opportunities that widely improved the technological aspects of those countries. EPRDF likes to enjoy its own view about the rest of Africa by underscoring the major impediments of the sub Sahara countries that unconditionally adopted the full version of free market economy. It is undeniably true that the ruling party has introduced free market economy not long after it assumed power with the notion that selling away all the major economic sectors of the country to foreign investors should be handled with care. That is why the government is fully engaged in micromanaging the major departments like the electric power, telecommunication, education, and defense technology, among others. It is worried about the profits from the investments going outside rather than being reinvested in the country. Mr Bereket, the EPRDF representative, openly explained the impact that kind of policy by other African countries has had on their economy, which he claims has not showed impressive progress for quite a while. On the other hand, the opposition insists micromanaging the major sectors is a government monopoly that can hinder the economic progress because of lack of involving diversified business prospects to privately support select parts of the huge sectors. That way, it can improve employment and enhance home grown expertise to contribute to the economic growth.

I believe, taking the reality on the ground into consideration, mainly the fact that Ethiopia is 80% rural economy, it is an undeniable fact that the political choices of the country’s visionaries should strive to create a formula where bringing about equality between the rural and urban economies becomes a possibility in a short run. Only then can the country have a good feel for how vibrant its economy can be. The debates are evidently a good way of helping people get a clearer view of what is good for them. It is not only a good start but the tradition should bloom and continue.

ክቡር ሚኒስትር

ክቡር ሚኒስትር

Wednesday, 31 March 2010 10:43
(ክቡር ሚኒስትሩ ለጤናቸው በእጅጉ ይጠነቀቃሉ፡፡ ዘወትር በ"ጂም" ውስጥ ናቸው፡፡ እዚያው ጂም የተዋወቁት ሰውዬም እንደዚሁ ከጂም አይጠፉም፡፡ በጂም ውስጥ እንቅስቃሴያቸውን ሳያቋርጡ ወሬያቸውን ይኮመኩማሉ)

- እኔስ ደከመኝ ክቡር ሚኒስትር፤ እርስዎ ጠንካራ ነዎት፡፡
- በል አታቋርጥ፤ ትናንት ያነበብኩት መጽሐፍ በድንገት አታቋርጥ ይላል፡፡
- አሀ የአካል ብቃትና ጥንካሬ መጽሐፍ ለማንበብም ጊዜ አልዎት ክቡር ሚኒስትር?
- አለኝ፤ እሱ ብቻ አይደለም፤ በጎግል ውስጥ ገብቼም ስለዳይት ብዙ አነባለሁ፡፡ የአመጋገብ ሥርዓቴንም "ዳየት" ማለቴ ነው ለማስተካከል እየሞከርኩ ነኝ፡፡
- ሰዉ ግን "ቪ.ኦ.ኤ" ጃም ይደረጋልን ሲሰማ የዘመናዊ ቴክኖሎጂ ነገር የሚያስጠላችሁ ይመስለዋል፡፡
- ቪ.ኦ.ኤ ምን?
- ጃም መደረጉ፡፡
- መቸ ተደረገ? ለነገሩ ሰምቼው አላውቅም፤ ግን እነዚህ ተቃዋሚዎች የሚያወሩትን አትስማ፡፡
- ተቃዋሚዎች አይደሉም፣ኮ ያሉት፡፡ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ራሳቸው፣ ፀረ ሕዝብ ሬዲዮ ጣቢያ ስለሆነ እናደርጋለን ብለዋል፡፡
- እናደርጋለን ምን?
- "ጃም እናደርጋለን"
- ትቀልዳለህ?
- እውነቴን ነው ክቡር ሚኒስትር፡፡
- ለነገሩ እኔ አሁን አሁን ሬዲዮና ቴሌቪዥን የሚሉትን ይደብረኛል፡፡ አሁን አሁንማ "ዩ ቲ ዩብ"፣ "ማይ ስፔስ" ስልክ ከሆነም "ስካይፕ" ነው የምጠቀመው፡፡
- እና ይህ የሚባለው ነገርም አልሰሙትም ማለት ነው?
- አልሰማሁም፤ በጉጉት የምጠብቀው ሌላ ነገር እንጂ፤ እንደዚህ ዓይነቱን ወሬ አይደለም፡፡
- ምንድን ነው በጉጉት የሚጠብቁት ክቡር ሚኒስትር?
- "አይፖድ" በሚያዝያ ላይ ይወጣል ተብሎ የለ፤ ጓደኛዬ ወዲያው እንደወጣ ከአሜሪካ ላክልኝ ብዬዋለሁ፡፡
- እህ እኔም ስለ አይፖድ ሰምቻለሁ፡፡ እንዲያውም በቀደም ኢንተርኔት ካፌ ገብቼ ስለሱ ሳነብ አንዱ መጥቶ ብርቱካን ሚደቅሳ ታመመች ብሎ ሲነዘንዘኝ ትቼው ወጣሁ፡፡
- ዘመድህ ሲታመምማ አብረህ ተጨነቅ እንጂ፡፡
- ማን ዘመዴ ክቡር ሚኒስትር?
- ብርቱካን ነው ያልኩት ብርቱካን ሚደቅሳ፡፡
- ኧረ እስቲ አንድ ነገር ልጠይቅህ እነዚህ ኢንተርኔት ካፌዎች "ፋስት" ናቸው፡፡
- አንዳንዶቹ ብሮድባንድ ናቸው፡፡ ዋየርለስ ኮኔክሽን ያላቸው አሉ፡፡ አንዳንዶቹ ተራ "ዲያልአፕ" ናቸው፡፡
- እኔ ኢቪዶ (EVDO) ነው የምወደው፡፡
- እርስዎ እንዴት ስለዘመናዊ ነገሮች እንዳወቁ ገርሞኛል፡፡
- አያመልጠኝም፡፡ ጓደኞቼም አዳዲስ ነገር ሲኖር "ፎርዎርድ" ያደርጉልኛል፡፡
- የኔ ጓደኞቼም ፎርዎርድ ያደርጉልኛል ብዙ ነገር". እንዲያውም ትናንት ማታ ጋዜጠኞች ሊከተሉት ስለሚገባ የምርጫ ሥነ ምግባር ደንብ ልከውልኛል፡፡
- የሥነ ምግባር ኮሚሽን ያወጣው ነው?
- ማን ነው የሥነ ምግባር ኮሚሽን፤ ክቡር ሚኒስትር?
- ይቅርታ፤ ይቅርታ የሥነ ምግባርና ፀረ ሙስና ኮሚሽን ማለቴ ነው፡፡
- የምርጫ ቦርድ ያወጣው እንጂ፡፡
- የምርጫ ኮሚሽን ምን አወጣ?
- የምርጫ ኮሚሽን ሳይሆን የምርጫ ቦርድ
- ዋት ኤቨር
- ክቡር ሚኒስትር "ቢዚ" ስለሆኑ ነው መሰለኝ፤ አንዳንድ የአገራችን ሁኔታ የማይከታተሉት?
- በጣም፣ በጣም ቢዝ ነኝ፡፡ እውነቴን ነው፤ የማርፈው እዚህ ጂም ስመጣ ብቻ ነው፡፡ ይገርምሃል ባለፈው ለስብሰባ ለንደን ሄጀ ያየሁት ጂም ዋው ጂም ብሎ ዝም ነው፡፡
- አንድ ጓደኛዬ ትልቅ ጂም ሊገነባ ሥራውን ጀምሮ የሲሚንቶ ዋጋ በመናሩ ተወው፡፡
- አትስነፍ፤ በአሉሚኒየም ብቻ ሥራው፤ በሲሚንቶ አታማሀኝ በለው፡፡
- ለአሉሚንየም የሚሆን የውጭ ምንዛሪ የት አለና ክቡር ሚኒስትር?
- ባንክ መጠየቅ ነዋ!
- ባንኩስ የት አለውና ክቡር ሚኒስትር?
- እንዴ ከቡናውና ከቆዳው ሌላ አሁንማ የአበባ ኤክስፖርት ጨምረንበት የለ እንዴ፤ እንዲያውም አበባ ስል አንድ ነገር አስታወስኩ፡፡ በ"ቫላንታይን ዴይ" ለባለቤቴ አበባ ልገዛላት ከአበባ ሱቅ ውስጥ ገብቼ ያየሁት የአበባ ዓይነት፣ ኢትዮጵያ እንዴት ተለውጣለች አሰኝቶኛል፡፡ እንዲያውም አበባ ብሎ ዝም ነው፡፡
- ርስዎ በሌላ ዓለም ውስጥ ነው የሚኖሩት፣ ክቡር ሚኒስትር፡፡
- እንዴት?
- ሌላው ስለ ከሰል፣ ቆሎና ጎመን ሲጨነቅ ይውላል ርስዎ ስለ ሌላ ሌላ ነው፡፡
- ሞደርን መሆንማ አለብን፡፡
- ሁሉም እንደዚያ ቢያስብ ጥሩ ነዋ ክቡር ሚኒስትር፡፡
- ሁሉም ስትል?
- ሁሉም ባለሥልጣን ማለቴ ነው፡፡
- አያስብም ብለህ ነው? የቀለበት መንገድ መሥራት፣ኮ ዘመናዊነትን የመፈለግ ምልክት ነው፡፡
- ነው፤ ግን በቀለበት መንገድ ብቻ ሳይሆን በሁሉም ይሁን ማለቴ ነው፡፡
- ብቻ ውሎዬ ከሥራ-ጂም-ቤት ". ከቤት--ሥራ-ጂም ነው፤ ኑሮዬ ከሰዎች ጋር ብዙ አላቀላቀለኝም፡፡
- የጋራ ስብሰባ አላችሁ አይደል?
- አዎን አለን፡፡
- እኮ እዚያ ሐሳብ ለሃሳብ ስትለዋወጡ ስለዘመናዊነት ታነሳላችሁ ወይ ማለቴ ነው?
- ውይ ውይ አሁንስ ደከመኝ፤ ትንሽ ልረፍ፤ እንዲያውም "ሻወር" ልውሰድ፡፡
- እኔም በቃኝ ክቡር ሚኒስትር፤ ነገ አገር ውስጥ ገቢ እየተጣለሁ ስለምውል፣ በጊዜ ሄጄ ልተኛ፡፡
- ለምን ትጣላለህ?
- በታክስ ነዋ፡፡
- እንዲያውም ካናዳ፣ኮ ታክስ ራሱ "ሃራሞኒ ታክስ" ይሉታል እንጂ እንደኛ "ቫት" አይሉትም፡፡ "ሃርሞኒ ታክስ" ስሙ ደስ አይልም?
- ስሙማ ደስ ይላል፡፡
- በል በል ሻወር ልውሰድ ቻው፤ በዚያው ቤቴ መሄዴ ነው፡፡
- ቻው ክቡር ሚኒስትር፡፡




(ክቡር ሚኒስትር ቤት ደረሱ፤ ባለቤታቸው በሳሎን ተቀምጠው ቴሌቪዥን ይከታተላሉ)


- ላኩልን እንዴ?
- ምንድን ነው የሚልኩልን?
- የሠርጋቸውን ቪዲዮ ነዋ፡፡
- ለምን ጠየቅክ?
- በጥሞና ስትከታተይ ነዋ ቴሌቪዥን እንደዚህ ስትከታተይ አይቼሽ አላውቅም፡፡ ያውም የእኛ ቴሌቪዥን፡፡
- የናንተውን ጣጣ እየሰማሁ ነዋ፡፡
- ምን የእኛ ጣጣ?
- የፓርቲዎች የክርክር መድረክ ነው የምትሉት?
- እ" እሱ ነው እንደዚህ ያሳሰበሽ?
- የአገሬ ጉዳይ እያሳሰበኝ ስለመጣ ነው፡፡
- ምንም የሚያሳስብ የለም፡፡
- አንተ አታስብም፤ እኔ ግን አስባለሁ፡፡
- ሚኒስትር ስለ አገሩ አያስብም?
- አንተ አታስብም፤ አንዳንዴ፣ኮ ግርም ይለኛል፡፡
- ለምንድን ነው የሚገርምሽ?
- ምን አይተው አንተን ሚኒስትር እንዳደረጉህ አይገባኝም፡፡
- የማልሆንበት አንድ ምክንያት አቅርቢ?
- በየዕለቱ በአገር ውስጥ ስለሚደረገውና ስለሚነገረው ነገር እንኳ አታውቅም፡፡
- እኔ ጋዜጠኛ አይደለሁ፣ ቃል አቀባይ አይደለሁ፡፡
- ቃል ባታቀብልም፣ኮ ቃል መቀበል አለብህ፡፡
- ቃል የምቀበል ወሬኛ አይደለሁማ፡፡
- ፓርቲህ ምን እያለ እንደሆነም ማወቅ አትፈልግማ፡፡
- ፓርቲዬ ምን እንደሚልማ ከፕሮግራሙ አውቀዋለሁ፡፡
- ከጂም ፕሮግራም በላይ የፓርቲህ ፕሮግራም የምታውቅ አይመስለኝም፡፡
- የማላውቀው ነገረኛነትን መጀመርሽ ነው፡፡
- እሺ በቃ፡፡
- ምነው ተናደድሽ?
- ይኸውልህ፣ ሁሉም አሁን በኢትዮጵያ ላይ ተረባርቧል፡፡
- ምን እያለ?
- ሰብዓዊ መብት ተጣሰ፤ ተቃዋሚዎች ታፈኑ፤ መገናኛ ብዙኀን ተሸማቀቀ፤ ታፈነ፤ ርዳታ የመሣርያ መግዣ ሆነ፤ ወዘተ. ምን የማይሉት አለ፡፡
- ለሁሉም መልስ የሚሰጥ አለ፤ አትጨነቂ፡፡
- መልስ አሰጣጡም፣ኮ ቅጥ የሌለው ሆነ፡፡
- ውድ ባለቤቴ እንዴት ነው ቅጥ የሌለው የሆነው?
- "ክቡር ሚኒስትር"፣ መልሳችሁ እኮ አዎን ጂም እናደርጋለን የሚል ሆነ፡፡ መልስ ሰጠን ብላችሁ ላልሰማው ታሰማላችሁ፡፡ እነሱ ስለ ሰብዓዊ መብት በኢንተርኔት ያሰራጩትን እናንተ በቴሌቪዥን ታስተጋባላችሁ፡፡
- አትጨነቂ፡፡
- በቃ አንተ ኃላፊነት ተሰጥቶህም ትንሽ አይከብድህም?
- አይከብደኝም፡፡
- እንዴት አይከብድህም? አገር ሲወቀስ ሲወነጀል?
- "ግመሉ ይጓዛል፤ ውሾቹ ይጮሃሉ" ይባል የለ፡፡
- ነገ፣ "ግመሉ ይጓዝ ነበር፤ ውሾቹ ግን ነክሰው አቆሰሉት" ቢባልስ?
- ለማቁሰል ጥርስ ያስፈልጋል፡፡
- ሊያቆስሉ አስበው ነበር፤ ብላችሁ ስትከሱ አልነበረም ወይ?
- "ነበር" ሌላ፣ "ነው" ሌላ፡፡
- እሺ ካላችሁ እሺ፡፡
- ለመሆኑ ክርክራቸው ጥሩ ነበር?
- ጥሩ ቢሆን ኖሮማ ባልተጨነቅኩ ነበር፡፡
- የማትጨነቂበት ዘዴን አስቢ፤ ፍጠሪ፡፡
- መከተሉን ስለማልፈልግ እንጂ፤ ዘዴው፣ኮ ቀላል ነው፡፡
- ምን የሚሉት ዘዴ ነው?
- "ገደል ግቡ" የሚል ዘዴ፡፡
- ለምን ገደል ግቡ ትይናለሽ?
- ገደል ግቡ ስለምትሉን ነዋ!


(ነገሩ ደስ አላላቸውም፤ ከመኝታ ቤት ገቡ፡፡ ጥዋት ተነሥተው ቢሮ ሲገቡ አስቸኳይ መልዕክት ከፀሐፊያቸው ተሰጣቸው)


- እስቲ ስጪኝ የምን አስቸኳይ መልዕክት ነው፡፡
- ይኸው (ፀሐፊዋ የታሸገው ፖስታ ሰጠቻቸውና ወጣች)
- እ... እንዴ... እ... እንዴ... እኔ እንደዚህ አልኩ እንዴ... እ... ኧረ እኔ እንደዚህ አላደረግኩም". እ (ክቡር ሚኒስትሩ አነበቡ አነበቡና ወደ ላከላቸው አካል ስልክ ደወሉ)
- ሀሎ፡፡
- አቤት ክቡር ሚኒስትር፡፡
- አንድ አስቸኳይ መልዕክት ደርሶኝ እያነበብኩት ነው፤ እንዲያውም ጨርሸዋለሁ፡፡
- እንግዳውስ መልሱን በአስቸኳይ ያዘጋጁና መጥተው ማብራርያ ይሰጣሉ፡፡
- እ...
- ይኸውልዎት ክቡር ሚኒስትር፤ ይህ የእኛ ወይም የእኔ መመርያ ወይም ትዕዛዝ አይደለም፡፡ ጥብቅ ትዕዛዝ ተብሎ ከበላይ የመጣልዎት ነው፡፡ ነገ ጥዋት ለጽሑፍም ሆነ ለቃል ማብራርያም ተዘጋጅተው ይምጡ፡፡
- እሺ፡፡


(በተባለው ሰዓት በተባለው ቦታ መልሳቸውን በጽሑፍ አዘጋጅተው ከሰጡ በኋላ የቃል ማጣርያና ማብራርያ፣ ጥያቄና መልስ ለበላይ አካል መስጠት ጀመሩ)


- ስለተሰጠህ ሥልጣን ኃላፊነት በዝርዝር ተሰጥቶህ ነበር?
- አዎን፡፡
- በዚያው መሰረት እየፈጸምክ ነውን?
- እ... በተቻለኝ መጠን እየሞከርኩ ነኝ፡፡
- ለሥራህ የሚጠቅምህ አስፈላጊ እውቀት እንድትቀስም አሜሪካ ለሁለት ሳምንታት ተልከህ ነበር፡፡
- አዎን፡፡
- የሚጠበቅብህን ፈጸምክ? እንድትሄድ የተፈለገው ቦስተን፣ ኒውዮርክና ዋሽንግተን ነበር፤ አንተ ግን ሆሊውድ ማለት፣ ሎስ አንጀለስ፣ ከዚያም ላስ ቬጋስ ሄድክ በሕዝብ ገንዘብ በሕዝብ ጊዜ ቀለድክ፡፡
- መልስ አለህ?
- የለኝም፡፡
- ለንደን ሄደህ ምን እንደምታደርግና ስብሰባም የት እንደምታደርግም በግልጽ ተነግሮህ ነበር፡፡
- አዎን፡፡
- አንተ ግን ስታንፎርድ ብሪጅ ስታዲየም ገብተህ፣ የኢንተር ሚላንና የቸልሲን የእግር ኳስ ጨዋታ ታይ ነበር፡፡
- ሰውዬው ትኬት ሲገዙልኝ ገባሁ፤ አዎን ስህተት ነው፡፡
- የውጭ ድርጅቶችን ስታገኝ ማቅረብ የሚገባህ መከራከርያ ነጥብና መጠበቅ ያለብህ ምስጢርም በግልጽ መመርያ ተነግሮህ ነበር
- አዎን
- በመጨረሻው ግን እንኳን አገርህን ወክለህ ልትከራከርና ምስጢር ልትጠብቅ ጭራሹንም የአገርን ምስጢራዊ ሰነድ አሳልፈህ ሰጠህ፤ ሽጠህም መጣህ፡፡
- እንመልስልሃለን ብለው ነበር የወሰዱት፤ ኦርጂናል ሳይሆን ፎቶ ኮፒውን ነበር የሰጠኋቸው፡፡
- ቁም ነገሩ ወረቀቱ የያዘው ምስጢር እንጂ፤ ፎቶ ኮፒ መሆኑ አይደለም፡፡ የተባልከው የአገር ይዘትና ምስጢር ሸጠሃል ነው፡፡
- እ...
- እንደሸጥክ ማስረጃ ትፈልጋለህ? ወይስ ማስረጃ እንዳለ አንተም ታውቀዋለህ?
- ይቅርታ አጥፍቻለሁ፤ እንዲያውም እኔም ከነሱ ሊስት ውስጥ መግባት እንዳለብኝ አምናለሁ፡፡
- የምን ሊስት?
- ከምርጫ በኋላ ከስልጣን ከሚነሡት ሚኒስትሮች ሊስት፡፡
- ከሊስት ውስጥ ገብተሃል... ግን ከሚነሡት ሊስት አይደለም፡፡
- ከምን ሊስት ነው ታዲያ?
- ከሚታሰሩት

ሪፖርተር

Berhanu Nega becomes Shaebia’s agent in America

        Berhanu Nega becomes Shaebia’s agent in America PDF Print E-mail

Written by Administrator
Wednesday, 06 January 2010 12:53

Issaya Aferworki intended to use Berhanu Nega to help him in realizing his dream of disturbing the upcoming Ethiopian National Election, according to officials closed to Issayas.
The plan includes using few disenchanted Diasporas and the likes from within and abroad for other terrorist activities.

The sources disclosed that Isayas wants Berhanu Nega to act as his agent with regard to mobilizing few disenchanted Diasporas and to recruit few others from within the country in order to conduct terrorism, chaos and anarchy within the country with the intention of disrupting, upsetting and baffling the upcoming national election, according to sources from close security officials of Isayas.

According to the source, a confidential letter has personally been handed over to Berhanu Nega who is now residing in the USA by a top Eritrean security personally.

Some political analysts said that Isayas has decorated Berhanu Nega as his personal agent for conducting his order on his behalf that will add up to his wanted warrant and will be another higher belt of terrorism and anarchy...More Story

British, Ethiopian PMs, UN meet over $100 billion ’climate fund’

       British, Ethiopian PMs, UN meet over $100 billion ’climate fund’ PDF Print E-mail

Written by Administrator
Thursday, 01 April 2010 13:29

London (United Kingdom) The first meeting of the UN-instituted ’climate fund group’, kicked off in London with Britain offering to sign a new Kyoto Treaty as developing countries’ demand ; urging those nations to play their parts by enshrining their commitments to tackling global warming in international law.

The move came as the British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and his visiting Ethiopian counterpart Meles Zenawi, held prolonged talks, on Wednesday, with billionaire financier George Soros, United States president Obama’s economic adviser Larry Summers ; as well as other renown economists and finance ministers ; aimed at finding ways to raise £20bn a year immediately to enable developing countries to adapt to climate change...

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The high-level advisory group on climate change financing, convened by United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and chaired by Prime Ministers Brown Meles Zenawi, will consider at least six ways of raising $100 billion a year by 2020 ; and $1trilion for climate change adaptation.

BBC News - Ethiopia launches electric car despite power shortages

Ethiopia has launched an electric car, despite suffering from power shortages. It is only the second African country to do so, after South Africa.

Two versions of the Solaris Elettra will be manufactured in Addis Ababa, costing around $12,000 and $15,000.

The cars will be sold in Ethiopia and exported to Africa and Europe.

But some doubt if Africa, where erratic power supplies, low levels of personal wealth and poor infrastructure are common, is ready for electric cars.

Carlo Pironti, general manager of Freestyle PLC, the company producing the Solaris, told the BBC's Uduak Amimo in Addis Ababa that Ethiopia's electricity shortages were not a...

The Force of Water, the Power of Words

By CHARLES ISHERWOOD
Published: March 29, 2010

If words were water, the drought problems so lengthily discussed in the new play by Kia Corthron, “A Cool Dip in the Barren Saharan Crick,” would evaporate pretty quickly. The title alone would suffice for a sponge bath. The subject of water actually consumes a large portion of the dialogue in this venturesome but disjointed drama about a young African man studying theology and ecology, and the American family that harbors him during his college years...
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Ethiopia blasts US for report on rights record - Sudan Tribune: Plural news and views on Sudan

Ethiopia reacts fierce to US report on rights abuse

Mar 27, 2010 (ADDIS ABABA) — The Ethiopian government on Saturday blasted the 2009 US State Department Human Rights Report downplaying it as a smear campaign compiled in collaboration with destructive forces and terrorist-designated groups.

In a statement released today, the Ethiopian government said that the report is groundless based on false allegations aimed to blow-out the image of the country.

The 2009 human rights report by the U.S. state department, accuses Prime minister Meles Zenawi-led government of illegal detention, killings, arrests, torture, violation of press and religious freedom, intermediating and restricting rights of opposition members.

The Ethiopian government in a statement put out today however said that, despite issued as a new report, majority of the contents in the report were copied from the previous reports which the Ethiopian government already gave detailed evidence to the contrary.

"Some 76 percent of the 2009 report is carbon copy of 2008 similar report while 21 percent of it is slightly modified newly fabricated allegations. Some 14 percent of the report is seemingly new issues," The statement said. The US department report has accused Ethiopia of detaining hundreds of political prisoners, which Ethiopia instead says are terrorists.

"The report is naming the Oromo National Liberation Front (ONLF) members who killed 65 Ethiopians and eight Chinese innocent civilians at Ogaden area as political prisoners," it said, adding "the report dares to undermine the peace and security issues in Ethiopia."

The Ethiopian government statement noted that the detained ONLF members were put under custody due court process unlike detentions of the US government to terrorists in Guantanamo which it said lucks court process.

"In paradox, the US government has not named as political prisoners the suspects who engaged in the terrorist attack on Sept. 11 detained at Guantanamo without due court process."

"However, the report narrated to the contrary which clearly depicted that the US government is using double standard. It added the US government is trying to disguise the reality deliberately."

The report was based on claims from groups Ethiopia considers as terrorist groups, some legal opposition parties and other indigenous and international organizations, Addis Ababa said.

"The Ethiopian government realized that the relations of the US government and these organizations is an ordinary plot for their shared benefits as the proverb runs scratch mine I scratch yours."...Full story

Stable Ethiopia now needs international and local support - Scotsman.com News

Published Date: 29 March 2010

By Charles Tannock
TWO decades ago, Ethiopia was a Cold War battlefield. On the ideological map of the world, it was Soviet territory, a land of famine, dictatorship and civil war. But, with the overthrow of Mengistu Haile Mariam's Marxist-Leninist dictatorship in 1991, Ethiopia began to transform itself. Today, it ranks among the five fastest-growing economies in the world and is a bastion of regional stability.
That stability matters, because the Horn of Africa is becoming a security headache once again. If the region is to be stabilised, Ethiopia will need to play a key part.

Besides the never-ending anarchy of neighbouring Somalia, the regional challen
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ges facing Ethiopia and its long-serving prime minister, Meles Zenawi, are daunting. The country remains on a war footing with Eritrea over the disputed border village of Badme. The peace deal between the government and the former rebel SPLM is unravelling fast in neighbouring Sudan, where a scheduled referendum in the south in January 2011 on secession and independence – part of the 2005 peace deal – may provoke a return to all-out war.

Further south, Kenya remains scarred by the aftermath of post-election violence, and its constitutional review process could lead to yet more bloodshed. Moreover, Ethiopia's proximity to strife-torn Yemen just across the Red Sea is complicating the country's foreign policy because of its role in working to keep Somalia out of Islamist control.

Despite these myriad problems – or perhaps because of them – Ethiopia has an opportunity to emerge as the undisputed regional leader. Though landlocked, Ethiopia is comparatively well endowed with natural resources, not least its fertile farmland. A final settlement of the lengthy dispute with Egypt over the waters of the Blue Nile appears to be in sight, and could have a powerful impact on economic growth.

But, despite Ethiopia's progress, the international community has been reluctant to view the country as a strategic partner. Of course, Ethiopia has its problems, but these should be seen in an African context. The human-rights situation could undoubtedly be improved – in particular, the treatment of the political opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa – but Isaias Afwerki's regime in Eritrea is far worse....Read full story

U.S. lawmakers concerned over political conditions

Jim Fisher-Thompson I March 28, 2010

Key U.S. lawmakers, both Democratic and Republican, have expressed concern for political conditions in Ethiopia, citing authoritarian tendencies by its government as well as human rights abuses such as the continued detention of a prominent opposition leader.

Leading off a March 24 hearing on U.S. policy toward Africa, Representative Donald Payne (Democrat, New Jersey), chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health, said of the ruling party, "I am deeply concerned and troubled about the deteriorating [political] conditions in Ethiopia. The EPRDF [Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front] is becoming increasingly totalitarian."

The chairman said he was particularly bothered by the Ethiopian government's recent jamming of Voice of America (VOA) broadcasts after the government unjustly compared the official U.S. broadcasting agency to the Rwandan hate radio station Milles Collines. Payne said the Rwandan station was "used by those who committed the Rwandan genocide" in 1994.

The panel's highest-ranking Republican, Representative Chris Smith (New Jersey), added, "Unfortunately, Prime Minister Meles [Zenawi] shows deteriorating signs of human rights practices."

Payne expressed special concern for Birtukan Mideksa, a former Ethiopian judge and opposition leader convicted in 2005 of attempting to overthrow the constitutional order and sentenced to life in prison. She was pardoned in 2007, but rearrested and her sentence reinstated in December 2008.

According to the recently released State Department 2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, Birtukan, who led the opposition UDJ (Unity for Democracy and Justice) party, was "held in solitary confinement until June, despite a court ruling that indicated it was a violation of her constitutional rights. She was also denied access to visitors except for a few close family members, despite a court order granting visitor access without restrictions.".......................Read More

What the Diaspora could do in election 2010

Eskinder Nega [Addis Ababa] March 27, 2010

Even I sense it from the great distance I am at from America; home to the largest, richest and most vocal Ethiopian Diaspora in the world.

Call it what you think is best: disillusionment; disappointment; withdrawal; anger; or even, on an optimistic note, the calm before the storm. But there is no dispute that a considerable element of the Diaspora, many of the very people who came out screaming enthusiastically to welcome CUD’s leaders at Reagan National Airport in 2007, are now visibly smaller at political gatherings, less generous in their contribution, are harder to mobilize, and generally exhibit all the signs of fatigue.

Regardless of the diversity of opinion in the Diaspora, a consensus of unambiguous support for the democratization of Ethiopia as it is understood in the West has been a superseding facet for the past two decades. And that is no small feat. Between the mid 60s and the fall of the Derg at the beginning of the 90s, what was then a small Diaspora, but with a disproportionately powerful voice in politics, had mitigated the rhetoric of public discourse to the far left of Marxist thought. I still remember reading, in total amazement, old

Ethiopian publications from the 60s and 70s, pioneered by intelligent young people like Hagos GebreYesus, Desalegn Rahemato and Endrias Eshete , as they ranted against perceived exploitation of innocent Ethiopians by Western capitalists; how vital Ethiopia was as a dumping ground for the excess goods produced by imperialists; and how great dictatorship of the proletariat really is. (Endrias Eshete’s passion for dictatorship—though not that of the working class anymore—still endures, by the way.) It took about two decades before the Diaspora was able to move beyond this false start; and it took the infusion of a new generation in the 80s, more decisively in the 90s, for the long delayed overhaul in both methodology and substance to take hold. The intellectual rebirth is now best embodied by the weekly articles of the brilliant Professor from LA, Almeayehu GebreMariam. In short, the Diaspora is now positively ingrained in mainstream political thought; far away from—to borrow a phrase from Lenin---infantile extremism.

The 2005 elections was the culmination of the Diaspora’s renaissance in the 90’s and 2000’s, when it was able to entrench itself as a strong and united voice in the CUD; both before and after the elections. It is implausible to envisage the success of the CUD’s last minute offensive in the countryside without the financial backing of the Diaspora; which impacted heavily on the outcome of the election.

Ethiopian political dynamics is now very different than it was in 2005 of course, but there is an important last minute role for the Diaspora to play; yes, even at this late stage of the elections.

Here are some possibilities:

1: ENDORSEMENTS:

Endorsements are an integral part of modern elections throughout the world. Whatever pundits may say about their power to sway votes, they are passionately sought by politicians; which is a mark of their symbolic power. And in politics image is half the bankable asset.

Swaying votes by mere endorsement is too ambitious an undertaking, but doubt not that endorsements will not only help to strengthen the beleaguered opposition in this difficult election year (just how difficult is amply shown by the new HRW report) but will also help to single out the viable ones( or the viable one) in a crowded field where up to twelve candidates are competing for a single seat in Addis.

Not too many people may have been swayed by Oprah’s endorsement of Obama, but the amount of news and excitement it generated was a huge boost for his campaign. And the pundits who seriously wonder if his presidency would at all have been possible without the stirring effect of her endorsement are not few in numbers. But celebrity endorsements are not possible for those who live in Ethiopia for obvious reasons, yet is something that should be considered seriously by those who have opted for exile. Exiled artists have a large following in Ethiopia, and their predominantly young followers—who constitute the majority in Ethiopia---are predisposed to at least listen to their views. This is power that must not be abused, taken for granted; nor, at a time when the national issue is as important as it is now, must it be wasted.

The kind of endorsement common to Iranian politics, in which exiled groups of academics, scientists and public figures publicly endorse the party or candidate of their choice, could potentially be important in the Ethiopian context, too. The Diaspora has an ample reservoir from Ethiopia’s Who’s Who in every conceivable field, and many voters in Ethiopia---including the undecided ones—would be fascinated to learn of their endorsements.

The idea of civic responsibility will hardly be new to this group, nor the fact that in this wired world their access to voters in Ethiopia seriously curtailed by place of residence. What is probably lacking so far is someone who will take the initiative.

2: CYBER ACTIVISM--- The court of world opinion

Few people know what Twitter is in Ethiopia .But those tasked by the government to make sure that what information goes out to the world is highly regulated, particularly in the event of street protests (which are unlikely and not desirable), have nightmares about the possibilities of Twitter. What was casually launched as one more addition to social media by three innovative Americans in 2006, less than a year after the 2005 elections in Ethiopia, has been inadvertently catapulted by the last Iranian election in to a powerful weapon of peaceful political activism.

Tweets go over two networks, the cyber world and text messages of mobiles (cell phones). They are charmingly easy to use, are specifically designed to spread fast because they are apt to be picked and retransmitted by other Twitters; unlike other social medias, like email, which are neither public nor broadcast like Twitter does. In other words, Twitter is within reach of the vast majority of the Diaspora, and for the first time ever will directly link it with tens of millions of people throughout the world—the court of world opinion. The monopoly of media organizations, who habitually ignore most stories about Ethiopia, could now be overturned for the first time.

Potential Twitters from Ethiopia during the elections, who will be few in numbers but could easily overcome their disadvantage in numbers by sheer force of will, face an overpowering predicament. The government will most probably tamper with the internet and SMS during the elections, as did the Iranian government, which will severely limit their ability to transmit. But the evidence is that the mass of Tweets came from Diaspora Iranians who relayed information they collected from family, friends, embassies, NGOs and political organizations. A similar mass of information, in case the need arises, by the Ethiopian Diaspora that overwhelms the cyber world will reinforce the confidence of Ethiopians that they are not alone and involve tens of millions around the world in an intimate, urgent way with events in Ethiopia. A sufficiently outraged Westerners—if there is due cause—will instinctively reach out to their elected representatives in large numbers; which could change—at long last---Western policy towards Ethiopia by bringing forth the issue of human rights; something the Diaspora had fought for almost two decades now.

But none of these will be possible without a determined minority taking the lead; some working in groups, others alone in the cyber world---the new weapon of the oppressed.

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Tidbits:

BRIEF NEWS FROM ETHIOPIA

Azeb Mesfin to face Welay Aschalew

PM Meles Zenawi’s wife will face an electoral opponent fielded by Mederek in this year’s elections. Medrek’s candidate is Welay Aschalew, who is broadly thought to be sufficiently credible to make this at least an interesting contest; assuming of course a level playing field. Azeb is running as an incumbent in her Welqaiyt constituency, where many residents are apprehensive of a settlement scheme by the regional government which they fear will eventually alter the demographics of the area. Azeb is chair of an important parliamentary committee, which was supposed to have pushed her out of her husband’s shadow; but which has not happened so far.

Gebru Asrat is challenging Addisalem Balema(PhD), a long time Ethiopian Ambassador to China who returned from Beijing to Mekele to work in EFFORT, the mysterious business empire of the TPLF. Addisalem is not the grassroots campaigner type, and foreign observers are expected to be visibly present in Mekele, an opening that Gebru is apt to maximize.

Security cameras to be installed on main roads.

The installation of federal police commissioned security cameras in underway on Addis Ababa’s main thoroughfares. The cameras are being installed as part of the government’s extensive preparation against possible post election riots after the May elections.

An undisclosed amount of cameras have been imported from China; much to the irritant of some countries that had hoped(not for commercial reasons) to provide the hardware as well as the expertise to run and maintain them; according to sources.

The cameras have so far been installed on Bole road; but because they will be too provocative few expect them to be installed in Merkato, hub of post election protests in 2005.It will be interesting to see if the government thinks otherwise.