By CHARLES ISHERWOOD
Published: March 29, 2010
If words were water, the drought problems so lengthily discussed in the new play by Kia Corthron, “A Cool Dip in the Barren Saharan Crick,” would evaporate pretty quickly. The title alone would suffice for a sponge bath. The subject of water actually consumes a large portion of the dialogue in this venturesome but disjointed drama about a young African man studying theology and ecology, and the American family that harbors him during his college years...
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The Force of Water, the Power of Words
Ethiopia blasts US for report on rights record - Sudan Tribune: Plural news and views on Sudan
Ethiopia reacts fierce to US report on rights abuse
Mar 27, 2010 (ADDIS ABABA) — The Ethiopian government on Saturday blasted the 2009 US State Department Human Rights Report downplaying it as a smear campaign compiled in collaboration with destructive forces and terrorist-designated groups.
In a statement released today, the Ethiopian government said that the report is groundless based on false allegations aimed to blow-out the image of the country.
The 2009 human rights report by the U.S. state department, accuses Prime minister Meles Zenawi-led government of illegal detention, killings, arrests, torture, violation of press and religious freedom, intermediating and restricting rights of opposition members.
The Ethiopian government in a statement put out today however said that, despite issued as a new report, majority of the contents in the report were copied from the previous reports which the Ethiopian government already gave detailed evidence to the contrary.
"Some 76 percent of the 2009 report is carbon copy of 2008 similar report while 21 percent of it is slightly modified newly fabricated allegations. Some 14 percent of the report is seemingly new issues," The statement said. The US department report has accused Ethiopia of detaining hundreds of political prisoners, which Ethiopia instead says are terrorists.
"The report is naming the Oromo National Liberation Front (ONLF) members who killed 65 Ethiopians and eight Chinese innocent civilians at Ogaden area as political prisoners," it said, adding "the report dares to undermine the peace and security issues in Ethiopia."
The Ethiopian government statement noted that the detained ONLF members were put under custody due court process unlike detentions of the US government to terrorists in Guantanamo which it said lucks court process.
"In paradox, the US government has not named as political prisoners the suspects who engaged in the terrorist attack on Sept. 11 detained at Guantanamo without due court process."
"However, the report narrated to the contrary which clearly depicted that the US government is using double standard. It added the US government is trying to disguise the reality deliberately."
The report was based on claims from groups Ethiopia considers as terrorist groups, some legal opposition parties and other indigenous and international organizations, Addis Ababa said.
"The Ethiopian government realized that the relations of the US government and these organizations is an ordinary plot for their shared benefits as the proverb runs scratch mine I scratch yours."...Full story
Stable Ethiopia now needs international and local support - Scotsman.com News
Published Date: 29 March 2010

By Charles Tannock
TWO decades ago, Ethiopia was a Cold War battlefield. On the ideological map of the world, it was Soviet territory, a land of famine, dictatorship and civil war. But, with the overthrow of Mengistu Haile Mariam's Marxist-Leninist dictatorship in 1991, Ethiopia began to transform itself. Today, it ranks among the five fastest-growing economies in the world and is a bastion of regional stability.
That stability matters, because the Horn of Africa is becoming a security headache once again. If the region is to be stabilised, Ethiopia will need to play a key part.
Besides the never-ending anarchy of neighbouring Somalia, the regional challen
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ges facing Ethiopia and its long-serving prime minister, Meles Zenawi, are daunting. The country remains on a war footing with Eritrea over the disputed border village of Badme. The peace deal between the government and the former rebel SPLM is unravelling fast in neighbouring Sudan, where a scheduled referendum in the south in January 2011 on secession and independence – part of the 2005 peace deal – may provoke a return to all-out war.
Further south, Kenya remains scarred by the aftermath of post-election violence, and its constitutional review process could lead to yet more bloodshed. Moreover, Ethiopia's proximity to strife-torn Yemen just across the Red Sea is complicating the country's foreign policy because of its role in working to keep Somalia out of Islamist control.
Despite these myriad problems – or perhaps because of them – Ethiopia has an opportunity to emerge as the undisputed regional leader. Though landlocked, Ethiopia is comparatively well endowed with natural resources, not least its fertile farmland. A final settlement of the lengthy dispute with Egypt over the waters of the Blue Nile appears to be in sight, and could have a powerful impact on economic growth.
But, despite Ethiopia's progress, the international community has been reluctant to view the country as a strategic partner. Of course, Ethiopia has its problems, but these should be seen in an African context. The human-rights situation could undoubtedly be improved – in particular, the treatment of the political opposition leader Birtukan Mideksa – but Isaias Afwerki's regime in Eritrea is far worse....Read full story
U.S. lawmakers concerned over political conditions
Jim Fisher-Thompson I March 28, 2010
Key U.S. lawmakers, both Democratic and Republican, have expressed concern for political conditions in Ethiopia, citing authoritarian tendencies by its government as well as human rights abuses such as the continued detention of a prominent opposition leader.
Leading off a March 24 hearing on U.S. policy toward Africa, Representative Donald Payne (Democrat, New Jersey), chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health, said of the ruling party, "I am deeply concerned and troubled about the deteriorating [political] conditions in Ethiopia. The EPRDF [Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front] is becoming increasingly totalitarian."
The chairman said he was particularly bothered by the Ethiopian government's recent jamming of Voice of America (VOA) broadcasts after the government unjustly compared the official U.S. broadcasting agency to the Rwandan hate radio station Milles Collines. Payne said the Rwandan station was "used by those who committed the Rwandan genocide" in 1994.
The panel's highest-ranking Republican, Representative Chris Smith (New Jersey), added, "Unfortunately, Prime Minister Meles [Zenawi] shows deteriorating signs of human rights practices."
Payne expressed special concern for Birtukan Mideksa, a former Ethiopian judge and opposition leader convicted in 2005 of attempting to overthrow the constitutional order and sentenced to life in prison. She was pardoned in 2007, but rearrested and her sentence reinstated in December 2008.
According to the recently released State Department 2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, Birtukan, who led the opposition UDJ (Unity for Democracy and Justice) party, was "held in solitary confinement until June, despite a court ruling that indicated it was a violation of her constitutional rights. She was also denied access to visitors except for a few close family members, despite a court order granting visitor access without restrictions.".......................Read More
What the Diaspora could do in election 2010
Eskinder Nega [Addis Ababa] March 27, 2010
Even I sense it from the great distance I am at from America; home to the largest, richest and most vocal Ethiopian Diaspora in the world.
Call it what you think is best: disillusionment; disappointment; withdrawal; anger; or even, on an optimistic note, the calm before the storm. But there is no dispute that a considerable element of the Diaspora, many of the very people who came out screaming enthusiastically to welcome CUD’s leaders at Reagan National Airport in 2007, are now visibly smaller at political gatherings, less generous in their contribution, are harder to mobilize, and generally exhibit all the signs of fatigue.
Regardless of the diversity of opinion in the Diaspora, a consensus of unambiguous support for the democratization of Ethiopia as it is understood in the West has been a superseding facet for the past two decades. And that is no small feat. Between the mid 60s and the fall of the Derg at the beginning of the 90s, what was then a small Diaspora, but with a disproportionately powerful voice in politics, had mitigated the rhetoric of public discourse to the far left of Marxist thought. I still remember reading, in total amazement, old
Ethiopian publications from the 60s and 70s, pioneered by intelligent young people like Hagos GebreYesus, Desalegn Rahemato and Endrias Eshete , as they ranted against perceived exploitation of innocent Ethiopians by Western capitalists; how vital Ethiopia was as a dumping ground for the excess goods produced by imperialists; and how great dictatorship of the proletariat really is. (Endrias Eshete’s passion for dictatorship—though not that of the working class anymore—still endures, by the way.) It took about two decades before the Diaspora was able to move beyond this false start; and it took the infusion of a new generation in the 80s, more decisively in the 90s, for the long delayed overhaul in both methodology and substance to take hold. The intellectual rebirth is now best embodied by the weekly articles of the brilliant Professor from LA, Almeayehu GebreMariam. In short, the Diaspora is now positively ingrained in mainstream political thought; far away from—to borrow a phrase from Lenin---infantile extremism.
The 2005 elections was the culmination of the Diaspora’s renaissance in the 90’s and 2000’s, when it was able to entrench itself as a strong and united voice in the CUD; both before and after the elections. It is implausible to envisage the success of the CUD’s last minute offensive in the countryside without the financial backing of the Diaspora; which impacted heavily on the outcome of the election.
Ethiopian political dynamics is now very different than it was in 2005 of course, but there is an important last minute role for the Diaspora to play; yes, even at this late stage of the elections.
Here are some possibilities:
1: ENDORSEMENTS:
Endorsements are an integral part of modern elections throughout the world. Whatever pundits may say about their power to sway votes, they are passionately sought by politicians; which is a mark of their symbolic power. And in politics image is half the bankable asset.
Swaying votes by mere endorsement is too ambitious an undertaking, but doubt not that endorsements will not only help to strengthen the beleaguered opposition in this difficult election year (just how difficult is amply shown by the new HRW report) but will also help to single out the viable ones( or the viable one) in a crowded field where up to twelve candidates are competing for a single seat in Addis.
Not too many people may have been swayed by Oprah’s endorsement of Obama, but the amount of news and excitement it generated was a huge boost for his campaign. And the pundits who seriously wonder if his presidency would at all have been possible without the stirring effect of her endorsement are not few in numbers. But celebrity endorsements are not possible for those who live in Ethiopia for obvious reasons, yet is something that should be considered seriously by those who have opted for exile. Exiled artists have a large following in Ethiopia, and their predominantly young followers—who constitute the majority in Ethiopia---are predisposed to at least listen to their views. This is power that must not be abused, taken for granted; nor, at a time when the national issue is as important as it is now, must it be wasted.
The kind of endorsement common to Iranian politics, in which exiled groups of academics, scientists and public figures publicly endorse the party or candidate of their choice, could potentially be important in the Ethiopian context, too. The Diaspora has an ample reservoir from Ethiopia’s Who’s Who in every conceivable field, and many voters in Ethiopia---including the undecided ones—would be fascinated to learn of their endorsements.
The idea of civic responsibility will hardly be new to this group, nor the fact that in this wired world their access to voters in Ethiopia seriously curtailed by place of residence. What is probably lacking so far is someone who will take the initiative.
2: CYBER ACTIVISM--- The court of world opinion
Few people know what Twitter is in Ethiopia .But those tasked by the government to make sure that what information goes out to the world is highly regulated, particularly in the event of street protests (which are unlikely and not desirable), have nightmares about the possibilities of Twitter. What was casually launched as one more addition to social media by three innovative Americans in 2006, less than a year after the 2005 elections in Ethiopia, has been inadvertently catapulted by the last Iranian election in to a powerful weapon of peaceful political activism.
Tweets go over two networks, the cyber world and text messages of mobiles (cell phones). They are charmingly easy to use, are specifically designed to spread fast because they are apt to be picked and retransmitted by other Twitters; unlike other social medias, like email, which are neither public nor broadcast like Twitter does. In other words, Twitter is within reach of the vast majority of the Diaspora, and for the first time ever will directly link it with tens of millions of people throughout the world—the court of world opinion. The monopoly of media organizations, who habitually ignore most stories about Ethiopia, could now be overturned for the first time.
Potential Twitters from Ethiopia during the elections, who will be few in numbers but could easily overcome their disadvantage in numbers by sheer force of will, face an overpowering predicament. The government will most probably tamper with the internet and SMS during the elections, as did the Iranian government, which will severely limit their ability to transmit. But the evidence is that the mass of Tweets came from Diaspora Iranians who relayed information they collected from family, friends, embassies, NGOs and political organizations. A similar mass of information, in case the need arises, by the Ethiopian Diaspora that overwhelms the cyber world will reinforce the confidence of Ethiopians that they are not alone and involve tens of millions around the world in an intimate, urgent way with events in Ethiopia. A sufficiently outraged Westerners—if there is due cause—will instinctively reach out to their elected representatives in large numbers; which could change—at long last---Western policy towards Ethiopia by bringing forth the issue of human rights; something the Diaspora had fought for almost two decades now.
But none of these will be possible without a determined minority taking the lead; some working in groups, others alone in the cyber world---the new weapon of the oppressed.
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Tidbits:
BRIEF NEWS FROM ETHIOPIA
Azeb Mesfin to face Welay Aschalew
PM Meles Zenawi’s wife will face an electoral opponent fielded by Mederek in this year’s elections. Medrek’s candidate is Welay Aschalew, who is broadly thought to be sufficiently credible to make this at least an interesting contest; assuming of course a level playing field. Azeb is running as an incumbent in her Welqaiyt constituency, where many residents are apprehensive of a settlement scheme by the regional government which they fear will eventually alter the demographics of the area. Azeb is chair of an important parliamentary committee, which was supposed to have pushed her out of her husband’s shadow; but which has not happened so far.
Gebru Asrat is challenging Addisalem Balema(PhD), a long time Ethiopian Ambassador to China who returned from Beijing to Mekele to work in EFFORT, the mysterious business empire of the TPLF. Addisalem is not the grassroots campaigner type, and foreign observers are expected to be visibly present in Mekele, an opening that Gebru is apt to maximize.
Security cameras to be installed on main roads.
The installation of federal police commissioned security cameras in underway on Addis Ababa’s main thoroughfares. The cameras are being installed as part of the government’s extensive preparation against possible post election riots after the May elections.
An undisclosed amount of cameras have been imported from China; much to the irritant of some countries that had hoped(not for commercial reasons) to provide the hardware as well as the expertise to run and maintain them; according to sources.
The cameras have so far been installed on Bole road; but because they will be too provocative few expect them to be installed in Merkato, hub of post election protests in 2005.It will be interesting to see if the government thinks otherwise.
The Impact of Education on Children's Lives in Ethiopia
Education Advisor, Concern Worldwide in Ethiopia
Posted: March 25, 2010 09:48 PM
Getinet Leweyehu
Constructing schools closer to children's homes in rural Ethiopia
Nine-year-old Aster Arba lives in the remote village of Duguna Fango, about 450 kilometers southwest of Ethiopia's capital Addis Ababa. Before Concern Worldwide intervened, Aster and her friends had to walk eight kilometers every day back and forth to school.
In fact, they walked barefoot in extreme heat and risked being raped, abducted or attacked by wild animals. When I first saw the area, I was humbled by how difficult it was for a young child to travel to school in this extremely hot climate over such long distances.
In response to these difficulties, Concern and our partner organization WRDA began constructing basic education schools in villages that didn't have any. Today, Aster and her friends attend school within a short walking distance from their homes.
During our regular monitoring visits to these schools, I met with the children who are now learning better and are far happier with their new situation. When I spoke with one of their teachers, Zinash, she explained that the closer proximity of the school gives children a sense of freedom and allows them to attend classes regularly, which in turn has contributed to a marked improvement in their performance at school.
Vulnerable children benefit from basic education in Addis Ababa
Often in Ethiopia, children, especially girls, migrate to urban areas in search of better lives and educational opportunities. In most cases, these children are either entirely uneducated or drop out of school after one or two years. Children who aren't in school are forced to work as housemaids and can be easily fall prone to child labor and sexual exploitation.
Others have to support their families by running small businesses and wind up on the streets as petty traders. In these cases, there is no money or time for them to attend formal schools. Others are orphaned by HIV and AIDS, and do not have the opportunity to go to school. When I meet and speak to these children, I see that Concern's support has given them hope. They have purpose and clearly feel accepted. Without help, I know that many of the girls would face a future of prostitution and the boys would become delinquents.
Concern has responded to their needs by collaborating with three local organizations in Addis Ababa to run schools with a flexible schedule, which allows very poor children, who have to work, to attend classes at times appropriate for them. The lessons are designed to streamline children back into formal education within three years, which enables them to complete the first education cycle of Ethiopia's formal education system. To meet that goal, Concern provides free education materials, books and school uniforms and pays the teachers' salaries. As a teacher myself, I am happy to work with Concern to reach these children and their teachers.
Experience has shown that the children thrive, not just because they are receiving an education, but because they feel a sense of acceptance and receive recognition from their teachers and peers. In the last nine years (2002-2010), Concern and six partner organizations in three different regions of Ethiopia have established 22 schools where more than 15,000 vulnerable children (50 percent of them girls), who were not able to go to formal schools, have attended the first education cycle, the basis for continuing in Ethiopia's formal schooling system. Read More on The Huffington Post
UN Traces Missiles that Hit Belarusian Aircraft to Eritrea
UN Traces Missiles that Hit Belarusian Aircraft to Eritrea
Friday, 19 March 2010 08:24 Asmarino Editorial
Below is a report by Matt Schroeder on how the UN traced the downing of a Belarusian aircraft to two SA-18 Igla shoulder-fired anti-aircraft missiles provided by Eritrea. But before we do that, we would like to put this finding within its proper context to underscore how much the Eritrean regime has become a threat both to its people and the region.
The proper context by Asmarino Editorial
In Nov 28, 2002, two SA-7 shoulder-fired anti-aircraft missiles were fired by Al-Qaeda operatives at an Israeli Arkia aircraft that took off from Nairobi (Kenya) airport, carrying 261 passengers and 10 crew members. Even though the missiles were fired from a range of two kilometers, the aircraft was unharmed and managed to make it all the way to Tel Aviv, Israel. Had it been the SA-18 Igla, a more sophisticated weapon and one that has about 5 kilometers range, it most certainly would have downed the aircraft, killing 271 people. If so, it would have been one of the most successful operatives of Al Qaeda and a tragedy to Israel. The point is this: Eritrea has been providing the terrorist group Al Shabaab with sophisticated shoulder fired missiles that even Al Qaeda itself didn’t have. Now that Al Shabaab has become an Al Qaeda affiliate, it is easy to imagine these easily portable missiles being used in major airports. This is especially true in cases of Nairobi and Addis-Ababa, where Somali insurgents could easily infiltrate given the proximity and large Somali populations in both Kenya and Ethiopia.
What makes the Eritrean case unique among terror-sponsoring nations is that it is lead by an immensely stupid regime that doesn’t know where to stop. For instance, in the 30 years war of liberation, the Arabs – especially Iraq, Syria and Libya – were providing arms to the Eritrean Fronts. Yet, there is not a single case where they provided shoulder-fired missiles. That is to say, even in support, the Arab nations knew where to draw the line. They didn’t want to be held liable if any one of the Fronts used such a missile to down an Ethiopian or any other Airliner from Asmara or Addis-Ababa airports. Not so in the case of the Eritrean Regime. In its scorched earth approach, it provides a notorious Islamist group with all the sophisticated weapons it has without figuring the long range consequences of such an act. What about if either Al Shabaab itself or any other Al Qaeda group is to use one of these missiles to down an Airliner outside Somalia? If it is an Ethiopia Airliner, it would surely lead to war. And if it is a western Airliner, it would surely lead for a more stringent sanction, at minimum, and a call for regime change, at maximum.
One of the reasons why the Eritrean regime is so confident in its dealings with the terrorist organization Al Shabaab is that it believes it goes against the interests of Al Shabbab to put Eritrea in such a predicament. They don’t seem to have learned a lesson from Sept 11 event, where a terrorist organization – Al Qaeda – put its host nation, Afghanistan, into an existential risk. Besides, Eritrea is not Al Shabaab’s ideological ally; strategic alliances are of temporary nature and easy to break. For instance, if the late reports are to be believed, it seems Eritrea’s help is shifting from Al Shabaab to Hizb Al Islam. If this leads to a total break up of the relationship, then there would no inhibition from the Al Shabab side on what for and where to use these missiles. But, above all, it is the idea that the Eritrean regime has more sway than Al Qaeda over Al Shabaab that is amusing. If Al Qaeda wants these missiles, their ideologically partners will surely comply; one shouldn’t try to find logic behind dogma.
…………………………………………………………………………..
Below are the reports from Matt Schroeder:
New Information on Somali MANPADS
Arms Trade, Man-portable Air Defense Systems, Matt Schroeder, Somalia
The latest report from the UN Monitoring Group on Somalia contains additional information about the shoulder-fired, surface-to-air missiles used by Islamic insurgents to shoot down a Belarusian cargo aircraft in March. Below is an excerpt from the UN report:
On 23 March 2007, at approximately 1700 hours, an IL-76 cargo plane belonging to Transaviaexport, a Belarusian company, was shot down after a missile fired by Shabaab fighters hit the left wing. The plane, with 11 crewmembers and passengers, was hit at low altitude following take-off. It had earlier delivered logistics and spare parts for another aircraft that had made an emergency landing at Mogadishu International Airport. The missile used to shoot down the plane was an SA-18 (MANPAD, Man Portable Air Defence System). The SA-18 was reported to be part of a consignment of six SA-18s that had been delivered by Eritrea to ICU/Shabaab. Two missiles were fired at the plane; one hit the target and the other missed. The Monitoring Group showed the Committee a video of the actual firing of the missile, during the midterm briefing on 27 April 2007.
Written by Matt Schroeder \\ tags: arms trafficking, manpads, Somalia,
Missile Watch: Somalia
Arms Trade, Man-portable Air Defense Systems, Matt Schroeder, Somalia
The latest report of the UN Monitoring Group on Somalia sheds new light on the SA-18 Igla missiles illicitly acquired by armed Somali groups in recent years. Since 2006, UN investigators and journalists working in Somalia have documented the transfer of dozens, possibly hundreds, of shoulder-fired, surface-to-air missiles to Islamic insurgents. The missiles range in sophistication from the relatively primitive SA-7b Strela to the third generation SA-18 Igla. In March 2007, two SA-18s were used to shoot down a Belarusian Ilyushin-76 cargo plane shortly after it departed from Mogadishu airport. All eleven crew members were killed.
Missile Watch No. 2: Somalia
Arms Trade, Man-portable Air Defense Systems, Matt Schroeder, Somalia
CNN and AFP are reporting that the Shabaab, a militant wing of a Somali insurgent group, the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), has threatened to treat “as an enemy combatant” any plane that attempts to land at Mogadishu Airport. According to AFP, the threat, which was posted on the Internet, was confirmed by Shabaab leader Mukhtar Robow. The web posting reportedly includes a list of grievances used to justify the threat, including the airport’s use by “Ugandan and Bulgarian mercenaries,” money generated by the airport for the Ethiopian government, and harassment of “Somali religious personalities” by “US and Israeli secret services…” The warnings are accompanied by a graphic of a man pointing a shoulder-fired missile at a plane as it is landing.
The threat is not to be taken lightly. Last year, the FAS identified Somalia as one of three MANPADS proliferation hotspots worldwide in response to numerous reports of illicit missile activity, most of which involved the ICU and the Shabaab. In 2006, UN investigators identified at least six shipments of MANPADS and other weapons to the violent Insurgent group, including a shipment of “50 units” of ”shoulder-fired surface-to-air missiles and second generation infrared-guided anti-tank weapons” from Eritrea, “45 units” of surface-to-air missiles from Iran, and three surface-to-air missiles from Syria. In each case, the missiles were part of larger arms shipments that also included dozens of assault rifles, machine guns, and other small arms and light weapons. The Associated Press later reported that the ICU had received 200 shoulder-fired missiles from Eritrea alone.
In March 2007, the Islamists fired two advanced SA-18 missiles at a Belarussian cargo aircraft as it was departing from Mogadishu International Airport. One of the missiles hit the plane, causing it to crash and killing all eleven people on board. UN investigators later concluded that the missiles used in the attack were part of a consignment of six SA-18s acquired from Eritrea. This summer, the UN traced another SA-18 found in Somalia back to a batch of Russian missiles that were shipped to Eritrea in 1995. The Eritrean government denies allegations that it provides missiles and other weapons to the ICU.
THE VETERANS ARE LEAVING!
Many veterans of the Revolutionary Democrats, particularly the senior leaders from the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM), have not been enlisted to run for either the regional councils or the
Federal Parliament. From Sebhat Nega to Mulugeta Alemseged and Teklewoyni Assefa to Debretsion Gebremichael (all council members of the TPLF), many have been left out from the list of candidates their organisation has fielded for the forthcoming national elections. This move is seen by political pundits as the start of a succession process that the incumbent recently said it would embark upon, with a three-phase process taking five years. The other mass of departures from the electoral game is seen at the top leadership of the ANDM, where the four most prominent veterans of the armed struggle - Addisu Legesse, Bereket Simon, Tefera Walwa and Taddese (Tinkishu) Kassa - were all dropped out of the electoral contest. It is interesting to note that little of this unprecedented political development is observed with the other junior parties in the ruling coalition, the Oromia People’s Democratic Organisation (OPDO) and the South Ethiopian Peoples’ Democratic Movement (SEPDM). With the exception of Kuma Demekssa, whose mayoral position in Addis Abeba would not allow him to run now, all the executive committee members of the ruling EPRDF, representing the OPDO, have made it onto the list. The case is no different with their comrades in the south. Above are identified members of the EPRDF’s Executive Committee who are listed to run for the election (green colour) and those opted out from the electoral debacle (red)!
Full story: Addis Fortune
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